Autor: Rodica Socolov
Rezultatele alegerilor parlamentare desfăşurate în RM la 29 iulie curent ne-au trezit noi speranţe pentru revenirea ţării la normalitate.
Ziarul englez The Economist, care n-a publicat nici cea mai mică ştire despre dezastrul din 7 aprilie, a anunţat ieri despre oscilaţiile "balanţei" politice. Articolul aşa şi se numeşte „Pe cântar”.
Şi totuşi se pare că ţara noastră iarăşi e la o răscruce. Noutatea despre crearea în RM a unei alianţe anti-comuniste ne este îmbucurătoare, dar totodată plină de nelinişte.
Comentatorii din exterior nu se complică să elucideze cu lux de amănunte ceea ce se întâmplă la noi acasă. Stereotipul lor atribuit Moldovei e simplu. Citez: „deja cea mai săracă ţară din Europa […] aflată recent într-o cursă duplicitară datorită politicilor sale […] reforme întârziate […] în dilemă între Est şi Vest […] în conflict cu Transnistria”.
The Economist mai menţionează că „maşinăria guvernului RM e blocată încă din 1990” iar „relaţia cu România, care ar trebui să fie avocatul principal pentru integrare europeană, e şocant de rea”.
Moldova e privită ca o ţară a paradoxurilor. Chiar şi preşedintele ţării, Vladimir Voronin, e „tovarăş-capitalist”. Anume aşa, cu un umor „uşurel”, îl caracterizează colegii englezi, atribuindu-i ca şi mai înainte pe deplin responsabilitatea pentru agravarea situaţiei economice.
În unul dintre precedentele articole ale ziarului Voronin a fost numit „brutar”, făcându-se astfel aluzii la o conducere a ţării bazată doar pe interese mercantile.
The Economist remarcă că viitorul guvern al RM va avea de soluţionat destule probleme, indiferent de ce fel de coaliţie politică ar fi creată în Parlament.
Concluzia respectivă reflectă o prognoză pesimistă.
Alianţa pentru Integrare Europeană, formată ieri de reprezentanţii PLDM, PL. PDM şi AMN, ne promite însă schimbare.
Principiile stabilite pentru conlucrarea formaţiunilor politice respective în viitorul Parlament se referă la restabilirea statului de drept, depăşirea crizei economice, decentralizarea puterii, reintegrarea teritorială şi integrarea europeană a RM.
Alianţa a ales o direcţie de dezvoltare a ţării corectă, dar şi scopuri foarte greu de realizat.
9 Aug 2009
26 Jul 2009
Alegeri anticipate
Autor: Rodica Socolov
Saptămâna viitoare, miercuri 29 iulie, cetăţenii Republicii Moldova vor merge să aleaga viitorul Legislativ al ţării.
Alegerea de aceasta data va avea un caracter deosebit pentru că tragicele evenimentele care au urmat după alegerile precedente au creat ecuaţii cu noi necunoscute, dar şi ne-au deschis ochii la multe lucruri pe care le credeam imposibile în condiţiile de independenţă şi de democraţie.
Fiecare dintre noi va trebui să aleagă între ceea ce are acum şi un viitor, care ar putea fi mai bun şi mai demn pentru fiecare.
Ţin minte bine cuvintele unui profesor de-al meu care reîntors de la o stagiere din SUA ne-a spus: "Niciodată nu vom atinge un nivel similar de dezvoltare socială. Noi ne-am născut nu la timpul potrivit şi nu în ţara potrivită".
Cuvintele spuse cu mult regret, dar destul de ferm pentru a nu exterioriza ce se petrecea în sufletul lui nu mi-au tăiat aspiraţiile la un viitor mai bun. Le-am acceptat însă fără a le pune la îndoială.
Pe parcursul unui deceniu mi-am amintit de ele de nenumărate ori, în cele mai nedrepte şi absurde situaţii.
Schimbarea nu vine de la sine. Ea depinde de fiecare dintre noi, dar şi de cei care se încăpăţinează să realizeze că ar fi trebuit să fie mai oneşti şi departe de interesele lor personale atunci când în mâinele lor se află soarta altora.
Intimidarea cetăţenilor Republicii Moldova continuă zilnic. Exemple pot fi date la nesfârşit. Recunosc însă că am cam obosit de o asemenea situaţie.
În alegerile parlamentare precedente am fost atât de aproape de o schimbare. Ea însă n-a venit. În mare parte şi pentru că alegerile au fost meschin fraudate. Dar şi pentru că starea de disperare profundă care de fap îi face pe mulţi sa-şi vadă de nevoi şi să nu participe la alegeri.
Mai avem o şansă. Săptămâna viitoare vom merge la alegeri, dacă dorim o ţară prosperă în care să se respecte drepturile noastre nu doar în declaraţii.
Ar trebui să învăţăm lecţia pe care ne-a dat-o istoria şi să realizăm că disperarea este un păcat, pentru care va trebui să plătim din plin. Sper miercuri să ne apărăm demnitatea (nu pe cei care ne calcă drepturile fundamentale în picioare!) cu o alegere bine gândită.
Saptămâna viitoare, miercuri 29 iulie, cetăţenii Republicii Moldova vor merge să aleaga viitorul Legislativ al ţării.
Alegerea de aceasta data va avea un caracter deosebit pentru că tragicele evenimentele care au urmat după alegerile precedente au creat ecuaţii cu noi necunoscute, dar şi ne-au deschis ochii la multe lucruri pe care le credeam imposibile în condiţiile de independenţă şi de democraţie.
Fiecare dintre noi va trebui să aleagă între ceea ce are acum şi un viitor, care ar putea fi mai bun şi mai demn pentru fiecare.
Ţin minte bine cuvintele unui profesor de-al meu care reîntors de la o stagiere din SUA ne-a spus: "Niciodată nu vom atinge un nivel similar de dezvoltare socială. Noi ne-am născut nu la timpul potrivit şi nu în ţara potrivită".
Cuvintele spuse cu mult regret, dar destul de ferm pentru a nu exterioriza ce se petrecea în sufletul lui nu mi-au tăiat aspiraţiile la un viitor mai bun. Le-am acceptat însă fără a le pune la îndoială.
Pe parcursul unui deceniu mi-am amintit de ele de nenumărate ori, în cele mai nedrepte şi absurde situaţii.
Schimbarea nu vine de la sine. Ea depinde de fiecare dintre noi, dar şi de cei care se încăpăţinează să realizeze că ar fi trebuit să fie mai oneşti şi departe de interesele lor personale atunci când în mâinele lor se află soarta altora.
Intimidarea cetăţenilor Republicii Moldova continuă zilnic. Exemple pot fi date la nesfârşit. Recunosc însă că am cam obosit de o asemenea situaţie.
În alegerile parlamentare precedente am fost atât de aproape de o schimbare. Ea însă n-a venit. În mare parte şi pentru că alegerile au fost meschin fraudate. Dar şi pentru că starea de disperare profundă care de fap îi face pe mulţi sa-şi vadă de nevoi şi să nu participe la alegeri.
Mai avem o şansă. Săptămâna viitoare vom merge la alegeri, dacă dorim o ţară prosperă în care să se respecte drepturile noastre nu doar în declaraţii.
Ar trebui să învăţăm lecţia pe care ne-a dat-o istoria şi să realizăm că disperarea este un păcat, pentru care va trebui să plătim din plin. Sper miercuri să ne apărăm demnitatea (nu pe cei care ne calcă drepturile fundamentale în picioare!) cu o alegere bine gândită.
12 Apr 2009
SOS: The state of terror
By Rodica Socolov
The recent spasm of post-election violence in Moldova holds both peril and promise.
The beating and disappearance of people for their political views mean the European Union risks finding another Belarus-style dictatorship on its borders.
After several days of surfing the Internet for information about this horrible event and everything that has happened in Chisinau since then it is still hard to believe that it concerns my home country.
Moldovans usually are too cautious when decisive action needs to be taken. Somebody might say that the people have had enough disappointments during the 8 years the communists have been in power. But this is a tolerant nation. Many times when the truth should be spoken, instead there is silence.
The majority of the population got used to hiding their thoughts and feelings during the Soviet times, when a simple word at the wrong time could mean isolation or punishment.
Who wants to get in trouble? From many circumstances people learned not to talk about things that could get them in hot water. “Don’t bother me and I won’t bother you” – I have heard this expression so many times.
The 7th of April will remain an exception in the history of Moldova and years from now, many minds will probably still be trying to solve the puzzle - “Who did it and why?”. But in the current situation there is little hope that this case will be investigated properly.
In spite the efforts to uncover the truth, fear on the part of the leader of the ruling party led to chaotic action and poor decisions. Is this the party that won the majority of votes in the parliamentary election of 5 April?
There are many messages to be drawn from the astonishing situation. First of all, it proves that the Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova cannot deal with situations like this. Its methods are old and filthy, violent and offensive.
In just several days its members showed neither respect nor understanding for citizens and it seems we are not far from the establishment of a police state or dictatorship.
While the whole society is horrified by how the two main administrative buildings in the country could be vandalised so easily, the ruling party is proceeding by bullying, arresting and intimidating anyone that has or could express an opinion.
Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin immediately accused almost everyone - opposition parties, teachers, journalists, businessmen and members of human rights organisations – of trying to stage a political coup.
Another rash presidential decision led to a complete break in diplomatic relations between Moldova and Romania, which he also blamed for attempting a secret coup.
Voronin’s attitude toward young people was even more severe. Many of them were kidnapped from streets and schools and taken violently to be interrogated about everything they had done and seen in the main square of Moldovan capital, where most of them gathered for a peaceful protest against what they saw as unfair elections.
Young people in Moldova are more open to change and less afraid to tell the truth then their parents. But what happened on 7 April in Chisinau doesn’t have any logic.
What kind of anger could motivate someone to carry on such a delinquent and antisocial plan? Two main buildings in the country the Parliament and the Presidential Palace were assaulted and almost everything inside was damaged by force or by fire.
Many people are terrified how much money will be needed to cover the cost of the repairs. This will be a huge burden for Moldovans, as the country already has $4 billion in debts. Where will another $27 million or so, according to the ruling party’s estimate, be found to cover the cost?
Both magnificent buildings were designed and built in the Soviet era (1970s) for the comfort of the communist administration. Since Moldova became an independent country they served other parties in power too, playing to some extent the role of the symbols of the Moldovan state.
Money is not the only thing that matters. Valuable state documents, and private data, as well, were trampled or destroyed by fire. This was not only a barbarian act against buildings and people who were almost ready to enter their offices, but also against many Moldovan citizens, who invested politicians with power in order to be protect their interests.
If such an incident had occurred in a different country, people would question the governing party’s ability to ensure their security. But in Moldova, the people were questioned first.
Unfair situation, isn’t it?
Hard to imagine, but in the parliamentary elections of 5 April 2009 the communists won the majority of votes. Nobody would have expected such an easy victory.
There was just a small possibility this would happen, based on people’s recent attitudes as reflected in an opinion poll. The majority of the population got used to the communists, and no longer considered them as bad as the communists of the 1990s, against whom they rebelled.
The Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova first came to power in 2001 with a vote for change. During 8 years they have proved to be much more liberal then their predecessors, but even so, they never risked giving up the lucky communist niche.
What could work better for them than holding onto communist ideas? If they changed their position on the political spectrum, they would become just another party, indistinguishable from many others.
Although it remains in the communist niche, the ruling party has gained some trust by promising to bring the country into European family and ensure people’s fundamental rights.
Was this really enough to win the majority of seats in the Parliament for the second time?
People’s lives have not improved so much since 2001. Some things have progressed, but not for everybody - and not particularly because of the decisions of the communist party.
New technology brought some comfort to people’s lives, but that happened all over the world.
A couple of years ago, Freedom House declared the press in Moldova “not free”. Its status was upgraded to “partially free” at the end of 2008, just before the electoral year.
In spite of restrictions on the press, unlimited access to the Internet started to change people’s lives. Mobile and online communication made a huge difference for many, especially for those who re-established communication after many years with family members who earn money abroad.
Attempts to limit people’s Internet access began when the first signs emerged of possible fraud in the parliamentary election of 5 April, and the information spread more quickly than ever before because of new ways of communication.
After the unexpected developments in Chisinau, the head of the state, whose term should have expired on 8 April, allowed opposition parties to check the electoral registers - but only for 4 days, a very short period, considering the complicated legal procedures for accessing the registers.
In the meantime, Voronin revised his position and asked the Constitutional Court to permit all votes to be recounted. In his opinion, this could create the climate of stability necessary for new legislative activity.
So far, the reaction of Moldovan society has been massive disappointment. Police officers are resigning. Journalists are seeking asylum in other countries. Parents are searching desperately for their children.
The terror continues. Nobody knows where the communist party’s unsuccessful management of the critical post-electoral situation will lead. But national experts fear that it could transform Moldova into a police state or dictatorship.
It is becoming obvious that Moldova needs a new election. A recount is not enough. The court is in the hands of the communists. The party must be punished for its actions, and the people do not deserve a party that neglected them, tortured them and trampled their rights.
But, as the same national experts say, Moldova won’t be able to solve the crisis without the support of a large number of political actors, civil society and international organizations.
Isn’t it enough for your people, Mr President?
The recent spasm of post-election violence in Moldova holds both peril and promise.
The beating and disappearance of people for their political views mean the European Union risks finding another Belarus-style dictatorship on its borders.
After several days of surfing the Internet for information about this horrible event and everything that has happened in Chisinau since then it is still hard to believe that it concerns my home country.
Moldovans usually are too cautious when decisive action needs to be taken. Somebody might say that the people have had enough disappointments during the 8 years the communists have been in power. But this is a tolerant nation. Many times when the truth should be spoken, instead there is silence.
The majority of the population got used to hiding their thoughts and feelings during the Soviet times, when a simple word at the wrong time could mean isolation or punishment.
Who wants to get in trouble? From many circumstances people learned not to talk about things that could get them in hot water. “Don’t bother me and I won’t bother you” – I have heard this expression so many times.
The 7th of April will remain an exception in the history of Moldova and years from now, many minds will probably still be trying to solve the puzzle - “Who did it and why?”. But in the current situation there is little hope that this case will be investigated properly.
In spite the efforts to uncover the truth, fear on the part of the leader of the ruling party led to chaotic action and poor decisions. Is this the party that won the majority of votes in the parliamentary election of 5 April?
There are many messages to be drawn from the astonishing situation. First of all, it proves that the Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova cannot deal with situations like this. Its methods are old and filthy, violent and offensive.
In just several days its members showed neither respect nor understanding for citizens and it seems we are not far from the establishment of a police state or dictatorship.
While the whole society is horrified by how the two main administrative buildings in the country could be vandalised so easily, the ruling party is proceeding by bullying, arresting and intimidating anyone that has or could express an opinion.
Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin immediately accused almost everyone - opposition parties, teachers, journalists, businessmen and members of human rights organisations – of trying to stage a political coup.
Another rash presidential decision led to a complete break in diplomatic relations between Moldova and Romania, which he also blamed for attempting a secret coup.
Voronin’s attitude toward young people was even more severe. Many of them were kidnapped from streets and schools and taken violently to be interrogated about everything they had done and seen in the main square of Moldovan capital, where most of them gathered for a peaceful protest against what they saw as unfair elections.
Young people in Moldova are more open to change and less afraid to tell the truth then their parents. But what happened on 7 April in Chisinau doesn’t have any logic.
What kind of anger could motivate someone to carry on such a delinquent and antisocial plan? Two main buildings in the country the Parliament and the Presidential Palace were assaulted and almost everything inside was damaged by force or by fire.
Many people are terrified how much money will be needed to cover the cost of the repairs. This will be a huge burden for Moldovans, as the country already has $4 billion in debts. Where will another $27 million or so, according to the ruling party’s estimate, be found to cover the cost?
Both magnificent buildings were designed and built in the Soviet era (1970s) for the comfort of the communist administration. Since Moldova became an independent country they served other parties in power too, playing to some extent the role of the symbols of the Moldovan state.
Money is not the only thing that matters. Valuable state documents, and private data, as well, were trampled or destroyed by fire. This was not only a barbarian act against buildings and people who were almost ready to enter their offices, but also against many Moldovan citizens, who invested politicians with power in order to be protect their interests.
If such an incident had occurred in a different country, people would question the governing party’s ability to ensure their security. But in Moldova, the people were questioned first.
Unfair situation, isn’t it?
Hard to imagine, but in the parliamentary elections of 5 April 2009 the communists won the majority of votes. Nobody would have expected such an easy victory.
There was just a small possibility this would happen, based on people’s recent attitudes as reflected in an opinion poll. The majority of the population got used to the communists, and no longer considered them as bad as the communists of the 1990s, against whom they rebelled.
The Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova first came to power in 2001 with a vote for change. During 8 years they have proved to be much more liberal then their predecessors, but even so, they never risked giving up the lucky communist niche.
What could work better for them than holding onto communist ideas? If they changed their position on the political spectrum, they would become just another party, indistinguishable from many others.
Although it remains in the communist niche, the ruling party has gained some trust by promising to bring the country into European family and ensure people’s fundamental rights.
Was this really enough to win the majority of seats in the Parliament for the second time?
People’s lives have not improved so much since 2001. Some things have progressed, but not for everybody - and not particularly because of the decisions of the communist party.
New technology brought some comfort to people’s lives, but that happened all over the world.
A couple of years ago, Freedom House declared the press in Moldova “not free”. Its status was upgraded to “partially free” at the end of 2008, just before the electoral year.
In spite of restrictions on the press, unlimited access to the Internet started to change people’s lives. Mobile and online communication made a huge difference for many, especially for those who re-established communication after many years with family members who earn money abroad.
Attempts to limit people’s Internet access began when the first signs emerged of possible fraud in the parliamentary election of 5 April, and the information spread more quickly than ever before because of new ways of communication.
After the unexpected developments in Chisinau, the head of the state, whose term should have expired on 8 April, allowed opposition parties to check the electoral registers - but only for 4 days, a very short period, considering the complicated legal procedures for accessing the registers.
In the meantime, Voronin revised his position and asked the Constitutional Court to permit all votes to be recounted. In his opinion, this could create the climate of stability necessary for new legislative activity.
So far, the reaction of Moldovan society has been massive disappointment. Police officers are resigning. Journalists are seeking asylum in other countries. Parents are searching desperately for their children.
The terror continues. Nobody knows where the communist party’s unsuccessful management of the critical post-electoral situation will lead. But national experts fear that it could transform Moldova into a police state or dictatorship.
It is becoming obvious that Moldova needs a new election. A recount is not enough. The court is in the hands of the communists. The party must be punished for its actions, and the people do not deserve a party that neglected them, tortured them and trampled their rights.
But, as the same national experts say, Moldova won’t be able to solve the crisis without the support of a large number of political actors, civil society and international organizations.
Isn’t it enough for your people, Mr President?
25 Feb 2009
Very sad news
I just received an e-mail: " We lost Vladimir. He died on Sunday, 22 of February, at 22:45"- Katerina.
23 Feb 2009
Eveniment
Circa 20 de mii de cetateni ai RM au participat la un mars in sustinerea alegatorilor moldoveni din strainatate, care nu au posibilitate sa voteze in zona in care isi au resedinta actuala. Marsul a fost organizat in Piaţa Marii Adunări Naţionale de Partidul Liberal Democrat din Moldova.
Nota: Acceseaza mass media din RM. Vezi link-uri utile mai jos.
Nota: Acceseaza mass media din RM. Vezi link-uri utile mai jos.
25 Jan 2009
Few thoughts about life of those suffering from cancer in Greece
Author: Rodica Socolov
Several months ago I was asked to write an article about a person who came down with cancer. Vladimir Ocazov was a vibrant man in the prime of life. But when he fell ill, little real help was available. His family was shocked, and his wife contacted me from Athens asking to expose the difficulties people suffering from cancer face in Greece.
I did as I promised, but in the end Greek newspaper with which I had a verbal agreement refused to publish the article. “Sorry, we have got lots of political issues”, I was told. Those who are interested, though, can read it among the articles posted below.
Today, I am returning to the same story. Without the proper help, Vladimir’s health has deteriorated. The situation has got very complicated—more so that the Ocazov family and I could have imagined several months ago.
From my earliest discussions with members of the family, I began to understand what it means to cross the border into a land where no-one can feel optimistic anymore. Even if you have a chance to recover from cancer, very often people around you do not believe it.
It is incredibly harsh to see that nice family, which I have met several years ago in Athens, in so much trouble. I always thought Greece was a perfect environment: warm and friendly, a place where you would never be left without attention and care. Unfortunately, it turned very differently for my friends, who are still struggling to discover the cause of cancer and the best way to defeat it.
The research for my article about gastric cancer in Greece proved difficult because little hard information is available. Neither the WHO nor other European organisations could tell me how severe the incidence of that kind of cancer is in Greece.
“The country does not have a national cancer register,” Manolis Paraskevas, the president of Kifisia branch of the Greek Anticancer Company, told me.
Does that mean that, except for the total number of deaths, the country keeps little information about cancer—such as whether the disease crops up more in certain areas or certain industries?
No officials at the Greek Ministry of Health were willing to comment. To discover why there is no national cancer registry in Greece, as there is in many other European countries, appeared an extremely difficult task.
Paris Kosmidis, ex-president of the European Anticancer organisation, also had no answer. He told me had tried to raise the issue many years ago. But all Greek governments since then have ignored the importance of creating such a database.
“Without a national cancer registry it is impossible to understand how big the problem is”, Dr Kosmidis told me.
With no firm information, the Ocazov family can only guess what happened to Vladimir. The cause might be the glue he inhaled at the shoe factory where he worked for four years.
“Who cares about us?” his wife, Katerina, asked. “One hand washes another.” Most likely they will never find out what caused Vladimir's illness.
The life of cancer patients in Greece is very difficult. Not only because they cannot find out what dangerous factors affected their health, but also because they cannot get appropriate treatment. And in some cases, the illness gets worse because of the incompetence and ignorance of doctors.
“Before you reach God you will be swallowed by Saints”, someone once told me. This expression describes Vladimir’s situation very well. It took him a great deal of time and effort to find out why he was feeling more and more tired. Since he first went to try to find out what was wrong with him, one doctor after another failed to take his condition seriously.
They just guessed as to what might be wrong. One doctor told Vladimir that he probably felt tired because he couldn’t adjust to the Greek climate. Another said he probably had a virus.
Several times, doctors rejected the Ocazovs’ request that an MRI—a magnetic resonance imaging scan—be done. And when they finally managed to persuade a doctor to do a least a CT scan, the technicians neglected to scan Vladimir’s stomach. “Everything is in order”, the Ocazovs were told.
But everything was not in order.
One morning soon afterward, Vladimir passed out. He was taken to the hospital, where a second CT scan showed the problem—he had cancer. His stomach was removed.
Unfortunately, the first operation was not performed correctly, and several other surgeries followed. Among them was one operation that was completely unexpected: an IV needle broke in Vladimir’s vein and had to be removed without anaesthetic because he was so weak. It was a battle for his life, and the doctor did a fine job correcting somebody else’s mistake.
As time wore on, the list of the hospitals Vladimir had visited for treatment grew long: Evangelismos, Ipokratous, Metropolitan, Erikos Dinan, Metaxa, Agia Olga. Katerina barely managed to cover the bills. She had to borrow money from the bank several times and ask relatives for help, as well.
Had doctors detected the cancer earlier, and had the first surgery been performed with more care, Vladimir would no doubt be in much better condition now. Instead, his health has declined badly. The oncologists stopped helping him several months ago, and Vladimir’s desire to live has been almost broken: too much pain, too much discouragement.
The problem is broader than just the doctors. People like Vladimir get tangled in an unfair fight for their lives also because the Greek National Health Service does not have enough programmes to combat cancer, conduct research and support those already affected.
There are very few charity organisations in Greece that are able to invest in such programmes. Political and economic chaos in the country leaves little hope that things will get better soon.
Shouldn't there be an end to the indifference and ignorance that the cancer patients face today?
Several months ago I was asked to write an article about a person who came down with cancer. Vladimir Ocazov was a vibrant man in the prime of life. But when he fell ill, little real help was available. His family was shocked, and his wife contacted me from Athens asking to expose the difficulties people suffering from cancer face in Greece.
I did as I promised, but in the end Greek newspaper with which I had a verbal agreement refused to publish the article. “Sorry, we have got lots of political issues”, I was told. Those who are interested, though, can read it among the articles posted below.
Today, I am returning to the same story. Without the proper help, Vladimir’s health has deteriorated. The situation has got very complicated—more so that the Ocazov family and I could have imagined several months ago.
From my earliest discussions with members of the family, I began to understand what it means to cross the border into a land where no-one can feel optimistic anymore. Even if you have a chance to recover from cancer, very often people around you do not believe it.
It is incredibly harsh to see that nice family, which I have met several years ago in Athens, in so much trouble. I always thought Greece was a perfect environment: warm and friendly, a place where you would never be left without attention and care. Unfortunately, it turned very differently for my friends, who are still struggling to discover the cause of cancer and the best way to defeat it.
The research for my article about gastric cancer in Greece proved difficult because little hard information is available. Neither the WHO nor other European organisations could tell me how severe the incidence of that kind of cancer is in Greece.
“The country does not have a national cancer register,” Manolis Paraskevas, the president of Kifisia branch of the Greek Anticancer Company, told me.
Does that mean that, except for the total number of deaths, the country keeps little information about cancer—such as whether the disease crops up more in certain areas or certain industries?
No officials at the Greek Ministry of Health were willing to comment. To discover why there is no national cancer registry in Greece, as there is in many other European countries, appeared an extremely difficult task.
Paris Kosmidis, ex-president of the European Anticancer organisation, also had no answer. He told me had tried to raise the issue many years ago. But all Greek governments since then have ignored the importance of creating such a database.
“Without a national cancer registry it is impossible to understand how big the problem is”, Dr Kosmidis told me.
With no firm information, the Ocazov family can only guess what happened to Vladimir. The cause might be the glue he inhaled at the shoe factory where he worked for four years.
“Who cares about us?” his wife, Katerina, asked. “One hand washes another.” Most likely they will never find out what caused Vladimir's illness.
The life of cancer patients in Greece is very difficult. Not only because they cannot find out what dangerous factors affected their health, but also because they cannot get appropriate treatment. And in some cases, the illness gets worse because of the incompetence and ignorance of doctors.
“Before you reach God you will be swallowed by Saints”, someone once told me. This expression describes Vladimir’s situation very well. It took him a great deal of time and effort to find out why he was feeling more and more tired. Since he first went to try to find out what was wrong with him, one doctor after another failed to take his condition seriously.
They just guessed as to what might be wrong. One doctor told Vladimir that he probably felt tired because he couldn’t adjust to the Greek climate. Another said he probably had a virus.
Several times, doctors rejected the Ocazovs’ request that an MRI—a magnetic resonance imaging scan—be done. And when they finally managed to persuade a doctor to do a least a CT scan, the technicians neglected to scan Vladimir’s stomach. “Everything is in order”, the Ocazovs were told.
But everything was not in order.
One morning soon afterward, Vladimir passed out. He was taken to the hospital, where a second CT scan showed the problem—he had cancer. His stomach was removed.
Unfortunately, the first operation was not performed correctly, and several other surgeries followed. Among them was one operation that was completely unexpected: an IV needle broke in Vladimir’s vein and had to be removed without anaesthetic because he was so weak. It was a battle for his life, and the doctor did a fine job correcting somebody else’s mistake.
As time wore on, the list of the hospitals Vladimir had visited for treatment grew long: Evangelismos, Ipokratous, Metropolitan, Erikos Dinan, Metaxa, Agia Olga. Katerina barely managed to cover the bills. She had to borrow money from the bank several times and ask relatives for help, as well.
Had doctors detected the cancer earlier, and had the first surgery been performed with more care, Vladimir would no doubt be in much better condition now. Instead, his health has declined badly. The oncologists stopped helping him several months ago, and Vladimir’s desire to live has been almost broken: too much pain, too much discouragement.The problem is broader than just the doctors. People like Vladimir get tangled in an unfair fight for their lives also because the Greek National Health Service does not have enough programmes to combat cancer, conduct research and support those already affected.
There are very few charity organisations in Greece that are able to invest in such programmes. Political and economic chaos in the country leaves little hope that things will get better soon.
Shouldn't there be an end to the indifference and ignorance that the cancer patients face today?
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